JUST
three decades ago, Thurgood Marshall was only months away from appointment to
the Supreme Court when he suffered an indignity that today seems not just
outrageous but almost incomprehensible. He and his wife had found their dream
house in a Virginia suburb of Washington, D.C., but could not lawfully live
together in that state: he was black and she was Asian. Fortunately for the
Marshalls, in January 1967 the Supreme Court struck down the
anti-interracial-marriage laws in Virginia and 18 other states. And in 1967
these laws were not mere leftover scraps from an extinct era. Two years
before, at the crest of the civil-rights revolution, a Gallup poll found that
72 per cent of Southern whites and 42 per cent of Northern whites still wanted
to ban interracial marriage.
Let's fast-forward to the present and another black -
Asian couple: retired Green Beret Lieutenant Colonel Eldrick Woods Sr. and his
Thai-born wife, Kultida. They are not hounded by the police -- just by
journalists desperate to write more adulatory articles about how well they
raised their son Tiger. The colossal popularity of young Tiger Woods and the
homage paid his parents are remarkable evidence of white Americans' change in
attitude toward what they formerly denounced as ``miscegenation.'' In fact,
Tiger's famously mixed ancestry (besides being black and Thai, he's also
Chinese, white, and American Indian) is not merely tolerated by golf fans.
More than a few seem to envision Tiger as a shining symbol of what America
could become in a post-racial age.
Interracial marriage is growing steadily. From the
1960 to the 1990 Census, white - Asian married couples increased almost
tenfold, while black - white couples quadrupled. The reasons are obvious:
greater integration and the decline of white racism. More subtly, interracial
marriages are increasingly recognized as epitomizing what our society values
most in a marriage: the triumph of true love over convenience and prudence.Nor
is it surprising that white - Asian marriages outnumber black - white
marriages: the social distance between whites and Asians is now far smaller
than the distance between blacks and whites. What's fascinating, however, is
that in recent years a startling number of nonwhites -- especially Asian men
and black women -- have become bitterly opposed to intermarriage.
This is a painful topic to explore honestly, so nobody
does. Still, it's important because interracial marriages are a leading
indicator of what life will be like in the even more diverse and integrated
twenty-first century. Intermarriages show that integration can churn up
unexpected racial conflicts by spotlighting enduring differences between the
races.
For example, probably the most disastrous mistake
Marcia Clark made in prosecuting O. J. Simpson was to complacently allow
Johnny Cochran to pack the jury with black women. As a feminist, Mrs. Clark
smugly assumed that all female jurors would identify with Nicole Simpson. She
ignored pretrial research indicating that black women tended to see poor
Nicole as The Enemy, one of those beautiful blondes who steal successful black
men from their black first wives, and deserve whatever they get.
The heart of the problem for Asian men and black women
is that intermarriage does not treat every sex/race combination equally: on
average, it has offered black men and Asian women new opportunities for
finding mates among whites, while exposing Asian men and black women to new
competition from whites. In the 1990 Census, 72 per cent of black - white
couples consisted of a black husband and a white wife. In contrast, white -
Asian pairs showed the reverse: 72 per cent consisted of a white husband and
an Asian wife.
Sexual relations outside of marriage are less fettered
by issues of family approval and long-term practicality, and they appear to be
even more skewed. The 1992 Sex in America study of 3,432 people, as
authoritative a work as any in a field where reliable data are scarce, found
that ten times more single white women than single white men reported that
their most recent sex partner was black.
Few whites comprehend the growing impact on minorities
of these interracial husband - wife disparities. One reason is that the effect
on whites has been balanced. Although white women hunting for husbands, for
example, suffer more competition from Asian women, they also enjoy increased
access to black men. Further, the weight of numbers dilutes the effect on
whites. In 1990, 1.46 million Asian women were married, compared to only 1.26
million Asian men. This net drain of 0.20 million white husbands into
marriages to Asian women is too small to be noticed by the 75 million white
women, except in Los Angeles and a few other cities with large Asian
populations and high rates of intermarriage. Yet, this 0.20 million shortage
of Asian wives leaves a high proportion of frustrated Asian bachelors in its
wake.
Black women's resentment of intermarriage is now a
staple of daytime talk shows, hit movies like Waiting to Exhale, and
magazine articles. Black novelist Bebe Moore Campbell described her and her
tablemates' reactions upon seeing a black actor enter a restaurant with a
blonde: ``In unison, we moaned, we groaned, we rolled our eyes heavenward . .
. Then we all shook our heads as we lamented for the 10,000th time the perfidy
of black men, and cursed trespassing white women who dared to 'take our
men.''' Like most guys, though, Asian men are reticent about admitting any
frustrations in the mating game. But anger over intermarriage is visible on
Internet on-line discussion groups for young Asians. The men, featuring an
even-greater-than-normal-for-the-Internet concentration of cranky bachelors,
accuse the women of racism for dating white guys. For example, ``This [dating]
disparity is a manifestation of a silent conspiracy by the racist white
society and self-hating Asian [nasty word for ``women''] to effect the
genocide of Asian Americans.'' The women retort that the men are racist and
sexist for getting sore about it. All they can agree upon is that Media
Stereotypes and/or Low Self-Esteem must somehow be at fault.
LET'S
review other facts about intermarriage and how they violate conventional
sociological theories.
1. You would normally expect more black women than
black men to marry whites because far more black women are in daily contact
with whites. First, among blacks aged 20 - 39, there are about 10 per cent
more women than men alive. Another tenth of the black men in these prime
marrying years are literally locked out of the marriage market by being locked
up in jail, and maybe twice that number are on probation or parole. So, there
may be nearly 14 young black women for every 10 young black men who are alive
and unentangled with the law. Further, black women are far more prevalent than
black men in universities (by 80 per cent in grad schools), in corporate
offices, and in other places where members of the bourgeoisie, black or white,
meet their mates.
Despite these opportunities to meet white men, so many
middle-class black women have trouble landing satisfactory husbands that they
have made Terry (Waiting to Exhale) McMillan, author of novels
specifically about and for them, into a best-selling brand name. Probably the
most popular romance advice regularly offered to affluent black women of a
certain age is to find true love in the brawny arms of a younger black man.
Both Miss McMillan's 1996 best-seller How Stella Got Her Groove Back
and the most celebrated of all books by black women, Zora Neale Hurston's 1937
classic Their Eyes Were Watching God, are romance novels about
well-to-do older women and somewhat dangerous younger men. Of course, as Miss
Hurston herself later learned at age 49, when she (briefly) married a
23-year-old gym coach, that seldom works out in real life.
2. Much more practical-sounding advice would be: Since
there are so many unmarried Asian men and black women, they should find solace
for their loneliness by marrying each other. Yet, when was the last time you
saw an Asian man and a black woman together? Black-man/Asian-woman couples are
still quite unusual, but Asian-man/black-woman pairings are incomparably more
rare.
Similar patterns appear in other contexts:
3a. Within races: Black men tend to most ardently
pursue lighter-skinned, longer-haired black women (e.g., Spike Lee's School
Daze). Yet black women today do not generally prefer fairer men.
3b. In other countries: In Britain, 40 per cent of
black men are married to or living with a white woman, versus only 21 per cent
of black women married to or living with a white man.
3c. In art: Madame Butterfly, a
white-man/Asian-woman tragedy, has been packing them in for a century,
recently under the name Miss Saigon. The greatest black-man/white-woman
story, Othello, has been an endless hit in both Shakespeare's and
Verdi's versions. (To update Karl Marx's dictum: Theater always repeats
itself, first as tragedy, then as opera, and finally as farce, as seen in that
recent smash, O.J., The Moor of Brentwood.) Maybe Shakespeare did know
a thing or two about humanity: America's leading portrayer of Othello, James
Earl Jones, has twice fallen in love with and married the white actress
playing opposite him as Desdemona.
4. The civil-rights revolution left husband - wife
balances among interracial couples more unequal. Back in 1960 white husbands
were seen in 50 per cent of black-white couples (versus only 28 per cent in
1990), and in only 62 per cent of white - Asian couples (versus 72 per cent).
Why? Discrimination, against black men and Asian women. In the Jim Crow South
black men wishing to date white women faced pressures ranging from raised
eyebrows to lynch mobs. In contrast, the relatively high proportion of
Asian-man/white-woman couples in 1960 was a holdover caused by anti-Asian
immigration laws that had prevented women, most notably Chinese women, from
joining the largely male pioneer immigrants. As late as 1930 Chinese-Americans
were 80 per cent male. So, the limited number of Chinese men who found wives
in the mid twentieth century included a relatively high fraction marrying
white women. In other words, as legal and social discrimination have lessened,
natural inequalities have asserted themselves.
5. Keeping black men and white women apart was the
main purpose of Jim Crow. Gunnar Myrdal's landmark 1944 study found that
Southern whites generally grasped that keeping blacks down also retarded their
own economic progress, but whites felt that was the price they had to pay to
make black men less attractive to white women. To the extent that white racism
persists, it should limit the proportion of black-man/white-woman couples.
SINCE
these inequalities in interracial marriage are so contrary to conventional
expectations, what causes them? Academia's and the mass media's preferred
reaction has been to ignore husband - wife disproportions entirely. When the
subject has raised its ugly head, though, they've typically tossed out
arbitrary ideas to explain a single piece of the puzzle, rather than address
the entire yin and yang of black - white and white - Asian marriages. For
example, a Japanese-American poetry professor in Minnesota has written
extensively on his sexual troubles with white women. He blames the internment
of Japanese Americans during World War II. Presumably, the similarity of
frustrations of Chinese-American men is just a coincidence caused by, say,
China losing the Opium War. And the problems of Vietnamese men stem from
winning the Vietnam War, etc. But piecemeal rationalizations are unappealing
compared to a theory which might explain all the evidence.
The general pattern to be explained is: blacks are
more in demand as husbands than as wives, and vice-versa for Asians. The
question is, what accounts for it?
The usual sociological explanations for who marries
whom (e.g., availability, class, and social approval) never work
simultaneously for blacks and Asians. This isn't surprising because these
social-compatibility factors influence the total number of black - white or
white - Asian marriages more than the husband - wife proportions within
intermarriages.
By emphasizing how society encourages us to marry
people like ourselves, sociologists miss half the picture: by definition,
heterosexual attraction thrives on differences. Although Henry Higgins and
Colonel Pickering are so compatible that they break into song about it (``Why
Can't a Woman Be More like a Man?''), Higgins falls in love with Eliza
Doolittle. Opposites attract. And certain race/sex pairings seem to be more
opposite than others. The force driving these skewed husband - wife
proportions appears to be differences in perceived sexual attractiveness. On
average, black men tend to appear slightly more and Asian men slightly less
masculine than white men, while Asian women are typically seen as slightly
more and black women as slightly less feminine than white women.
Obviously, these are gross generalizations about the
races. Nobody believes Michael Jackson could beat up kung-fu star Jackie Chan
or that comedienne Margaret Cho is lovelier than Sports Illustrated
swimsuit covergirl Tyra Banks. But life is a game of probabilities, not of
abstract Platonic essences.
So, what makes blacks more masculine-seeming and
Asians more feminine-seeming? Media stereotypes are sometimes invoked. TV
constantly shows black men slam-dunking, while it seems the only way an Asian
man can get some coverage is to discover a cure for AIDS. Yet try
channel-surfing for minority women. You'll see black women dancing, singing,
joking, and romancing. If, however, you even see an Asian woman, she'll
probably be newscasting -- not the most alluring of roles.
Conventional wisdom sometimes cites social
conditioning as well. But while this is not implausible for American-born
blacks, who come from a somewhat homogeneous culture, it's insensitive to the
diversity of cultures in which Asians are raised. Contrast Koreans and
Filipinos and Cambodian refugees and fifth-generation Japanese-Americans. It's
not clear they have much in common culturally other than that in the West
their women are more in demand as spouses than their men.
One reasonable cultural explanation for the sexual
attractiveness of black men today is the hypermasculinization of black life
over the last few decades. To cite a benign aspect of this trend, if you've
followed the Olympics on TV since the 1960s you've seen sprinters' victory
celebrations evolve from genteel exercises in restraint into orgies of
fist-pumping, trash-talking black machismo. This showy masculinization of
black behavior may be in part a delayed reaction to the long campaign by
Southern white males to portray themselves as ``The Man'' and the black man as
a ``boy.'' But let's not be content to stop our analysis here. Why did Jim
Crow whites try so hard to demean black manhood? As we've seen, the chief
reason was to prevent black men from impregnating white women.
So, did all racist whites a century ago make keeping
minorities away from their women their highest priority? No. As noted earlier,
the anti-Asian immigration laws kept Asian women out, forcing many Asian
immigrant bachelors to look for white women (with mixed success). While white
men were certainly not crazy about this side effect, it seemed an acceptable
tradeoff, since they feared Asian immigrants more as economic than as sexual
competitors. But why did whites historically dread the masculine charms of
blacks more than those of Asians? Merely asking this question points out that
social conditioning is ultimately a superficial explanation of the differences
among peoples. Yes, society socializes individuals, but what socializes
society?
There
are only three fundamental causes for the myriad ways groups differ. The first
is unsatisfying but no doubt important: random flukes of history. The second,
the favorite of Thomas Sowell and Jared Diamond, is differences in geography
and climate. The third is human biodiversity. Let's look at three physical
differences between the races. 1) Asian men tend to be shorter than white and
black men. Does this matter in the mating game? One of America's leading
hands-on researchers into this question, 7'1", 280-pound basketball legend
Wilt Chamberlain, reports that in his ample experience being tall and strong
never hurt. Biological anthropologists confirm this, finding that taller tends
to be better in the eyes of most women in just about all cultures. Like most
traits, height is determined by the interaction of genetic and social factors
(e.g., nutrition). For example, the L.A. Dodgers' flamethrowing pitcher Hideo
Nomo is listed as 6'2", an almost unheard-of height for any Japanese man fifty
years ago, owing to the near-starvation diets of the era. While the height gap
between Japanese and whites narrowed significantly after World War II, this
trend has slowed in recent years as well-fed Japanese began bumping up against
genetic limits. Furthermore, it can be rather cold comfort to a 5'7" Asian who
is competing for dates with white and black guys averaging 5'11" to hear,
``Your sons will grow up on average a couple of inches taller than you,
assuming, of course, that you ever meet a girl and have any kids.'' In
contrast, consider a 5'1" Asian coed. Although she'd be happy with a 5'7"
boyfriend if she were in an all-Asian school, at UCLA she finds lots of boys
temptingly much taller than that, but few are Asian.
2. This general principle -- the more racial
integration there is, the more important become physical differences among the
races -- can also be seen with regard to hair length. The ability to grow long
hair is a useful indicator of youth and good health. (Ask anybody on
chemotherapy.) Since women do not go bald and can generally grow longer hair
than men, most cultures associate longer hair with femininity. Although
blacks' hair doesn't grow as long as whites' or Asians' hair, that's not a
problem for black women in all-black societies. After integration, though,
hair often becomes an intense concern for black women competing with
longer-haired women of other races. While intellectuals in black-studies
departments' ebony towers denounce ``Eurocentric standards of beauty,'' most
black women respond more pragmatically. They one-up white women by buying
straight from the source of the longest hair: the Wall Street Journal
recently reported on the booming business in furnishing African-American women
with ``weaves'' and ``extensions'' harvested from the follicularly gifted
women of China.
3. Muscularity may most sharply differentiate the
races in terms of sexual attractiveness. Women like men who are stronger than
they; men like women who are rounder and softer. The ending of segregation in
sports has made racial differences in muscularity harder to ignore. Although
the men's 100-meter dash is among the world's most widely contested events, in
the last four Olympics all 32 finalists have been blacks of West African
descent. Is muscularity quantifiable? PBS fitness expert Covert Bailey finds
that he needs to recommend different goals -- in terms of percentage of body
fat -- to his clients of different races. The standard goal for adult black
men is 12 per cent body fat, versus 18 per cent for Asian men. The goals for
women are 7 points higher than for men of the same race. For interracial
couples, their ``gender gaps'' in body-fat goals correlate uncannily with
their husband - wife proportions in the 1990 Census. The goal for black men
(12 per cent) is 10 points lower than the goal for white women (22 per cent),
while the goal for white men (15 per cent) is only 4 points lower than the
goal for black women (19 per cent). This 10:4 ratio is almost identical to the
72:28 ratio seen in the Census. This correlates just as well for white - Asian
couples, too. Apparently, men want women who make them feel more like men, and
vice versa for women.
Understanding
the impact of genetic racial differences on American life is a necessity for
anybody who wants to understand our increasingly complex society. For example,
the sense of betrayal felt by Asian men certainly makes sense. After all, they
tend to surpass the national average in those long-term virtues -- industry,
self-restraint, law-abidingness -- that society used to train young women to
look for in a husband. Yet, now that discrimination has finally declined
enough for Asian men to expect to reap the rewards for fulfilling traditional
American standards of manliness, our culture has largely lost interest in
indoctrinating young women to prize those qualities.
The frustrations of Asian men are a warning sign.
When, in the names of freedom and feminism, young women listen less to the
hard-earned wisdom of older women about how to pick Mr. Right, they listen
even more to their hormones. This allows cruder measures of a man's worth --
like the size of his muscles -- to return to prominence. The result is not a
feminist utopia, but a society in which genetically gifted guys can more
easily get away with acting like Mr. Wrong.
George Orwell noted, ``To see what is in front of
one's nose requires a constant struggle.'' We can no longer afford to have our
public policy governed by fashionable philosophies which insists upon ignoring
the obvious. The realities of interracial marriage, like those of professional
sports, show that diversity and integration turn out in practice to be fatal
to the reigning assumption of racial uniformity. The courageous individuals in
interracial marriages have moved farthest past old hostilities. Yet, they've
discovered not the featureless landscape of utter equality that was predicted
by progressive pundits, but a landscape rich with fascinating racial patterns.
Intellectuals should stop dreading the ever-increasing evidence of human
biodiversity and start delighting in it.